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US Government's
Plutonium Experiments on Citizens
[From News From the
Libertarian Party, November 21, 1996]
http://wovoca.com/hidden-history-secret-government-experiments.htm
WASHINGTON, DC -- Jail time, not
payoffs -- that's the way to deal with 30 years of secret, gruesome
government medical experiments, the Libertarian Party said today.
"The government should not be
able to buy its way out of responsibility by paying off victims with
taxpayers' money," said Steve Dasbach, chairman of America's
third-largest political party. "Instead, attempted murder charges
should be filed against the politicians who approved secret
radioactivity, chemical, and biological experiments on innocent
Americans."
Dasbach's comments came after
Energy Secretary Hazel O'Leary announced this week that the
government would pay $4.8 million to the families of 12 human
"guinea pigs" who were injected with plutonium and uranium --
without their knowledge or consent -- during secret government
experiments in the 1940s.
"Politicians, bureaucrats, and
government employees should be held to the same standard as any
other American," Dasbach said. "If an average citizen, for example,
secretly injected people with highly radioactive Plutonium 239, he
would be in jail facing murder charges. Instead, the government is
spending $4.8 million of our money to try to buy a clean
conscience."
"The use of taxpayers' money for
the payoff is especially reprehensible," said Dasbach.
"If compensation is warranted, it
should be in the form of victim restitution from the specific
individuals responsible for the crimes," he said. "Taxpayers
shouldn't be further punished for the crimes of politicians."
"First, thousands of individuals
were the subjects of horrific government experiments for more than
three decades," he said. "Then, Americans were kept in the dark for
another two decades while the government tried desperately to cover
up its crimes. Now, we're being taxed to pay off the victims of
these ghoulish experiments -- while the politicians and bureaucrats
who committed these crimes remain at large."
In announcing the settlement,
O'Leary said the government was "grateful" to the victims for "the
tough lessons they have taught us about trust, responsibility, and
accountability between the government and the people."
"The real lesson this case
teaches is: Government can't be trusted," countered Dasbach. "If
politicians have power over our lives, they will abuse it. And the
more power we give politicians, the more they abuse it. If nothing
else, this tragic case should end the myth that such atrocities
can't happen in America."
Despite the $4.8 million payoff,
lawsuits continue to pile up from as many as 20,000 other
individuals who are demanding compensation by the government for
biochemical experiments conducted in the 1940s, '50s, and '60s,
according to news reports.
But that's just the tip of the
iceberg, noted Dasbach.
A Congressional subcommittee
hearing in Washington, DC on September 28, 1994 revealed that up to
500,000 Americans were endangered by secret defense-related tests
between 1940 and 1974 -- including covert experiments with
radioactive materials, mustard gas, LSD, and biological agents. For
example, between 1949 and 1969, the Army released radioactive
compounds in 239 cities to study the effects, according to General
Accounting Office testimony the hearings.
Other secret tests were conducted
on prisoners, terminally ill patients, military personnel, hospital
patients -- even children. At the time of the hearings, GAO
officials stressed that the number of victims might increase, as new
information was uncovered from Pentagon, CIA, NASA, and Energy
Department files.
The Committee had its origins
when public controversy developed surrounding human radiation
experiments that were conducted half a century ago. In November
1993, the Albuquerque Tribune published a series of articles
that, for the first time, publicly revealed the names of Americans
who had been injected with plutonium, the man-made material that was
a key ingredient of the atom bomb. Reporter Eileen Welsome put a
human face to what had previously been anonymous data published in
official reports and technical journals. "As World War II was
ending," she wrote, "Doctors in the United States injected a number
of hospitalized patients with plutonium, very likely without their
knowledge or consent. The injections were part of a group of
experiments to determine how plutonium courses through the human
body. The experiments, and the very existence of plutonium, were
shrouded in secrecy."
On reading the articles,
Secretary of Energy Hazel O'Leary expressed shock, first to her
staff, and then in response to a question posed at a press
conference. She was particularly concerned because the Department of
Energy had its earliest origins in the agencies responsible for
building the atomic bomb and sponsoring the plutonium experiments.
During the Cold War, these agencies had continued to do much of
their work in the twilight zone between openness and secrecy. Now,
the Cold War was over. The time had come, Secretary O'Leary
determined, to make public anything that remained to be told about
the plutonium experiments.
Subsequent press reports soon
noted that the plutonium injections were not the only human
radiation experiments that had been conducted during the war and the
decades that followed. In Massachusetts, the press reported that
members of the "science club" at the Fernald School for the Retarded
had been fed oatmeal containing minute amounts of radioactive
material. In Ohio, news articles revived an old controversy about
University of Cincinnati researchers who had been funded by the
Defense Department to gather data on the effects of "total-body
irradiation" on cancer patients. In the Northwest, the papers retold
the story of Atomic Energy Commission funding of researchers to
irradiate the testicles of inmates in Oregon and Washington prisons
in order to gain knowledge for use in government programs. The
virtually forgotten 1986 report prepared by a subcommittee headed by
U.S. Representative Edward Markey, "American Nuclear Guinea Pigs:
Three Decades of Radiation Experiments on U.S. Citizens," was also
recalled to public attention.
Coincidentally, the fact that the
environment had also been used as a secret laboratory became a
subject of controversy. A November 1993 congressional report
uncovered 13 cases in which government agencies had intentionally
released radiation into the environment without notifying the
affected populations. At various times, tests were conducted in
Tennessee, Utah, New Mexico, and Washington State.
Senator John Glenn understood the
importance of national security, but he found it "inconceivable...
that, even at the height of the communist threat, some of our
scientists and doctors and military and perhaps political leaders
approved some of these experiments to be conducted on an unknowing
and unwitting public."
Were all the human radiation
experiments done in secret? Are any secret or controversial studies
still ongoing?
Scientists and science
journalists pointed out that some of the highly publicized
experiments had long ago been the subject of technical journal
articles, even press accounts, and were old news; other commentators
countered that, for most of the public, articles in technical
journals might as well be secret.
How, why, and from what
population groups were subjects selected for experiments? Some
suspected that subjects were disproportionately chosen from the most
vulnerable populations -- children, hospitalized patients, the
retarded, the poor -- those too powerless to resist the government
and its researchers.
How many intentional releases
took place, and how many people were unknowingly put at risk? The
answer here was sketchy; the releases identified in the November
1993 Glenn report had all been performed in secret, and much
information about them was still secret.
What did our government and the
medical researchers it sponsored do to ensure that the subjects were
informed of what would be done to them and that they were given
meaningful opportunities to consent? Today, federal government rules
require the prior review of proposed experiments, to ensure that the
risks and potential benefits have been considered and that subjects
will be adequately informed and given the opportunity to consent.
But the standards of today, many historians and scholars of medical
ethics noted, are not those of yesterday. Others, however, declared
that it was self-evident that no one should be experimented upon
without his or her voluntary consent.
Panel Releases Report on Human Radiation Experiments (1995)
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